Dartford: Standoff in March 1452
At Dartford in early March 1452 an army of Richard 3rd Duke of York encamped. Facing it was a royal army. King Henry VI was accompanied by Queen Margaret, Edmund Duke of Somerset and a host of other peers, including the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, whom had yet to ally themselves with the Yorkist cause. It brought to a head a feud between the prominent dukes of Somerset and York.
Build up to the standoff at Dartford of 1452
Tension had been mounting between political factions for some time in England. 1450 had seen uprisings in the South East, led firstly by Thomas Cheney, and secondly and more significantly by Jack Cade. So too had their been unrest within Parliament. William de la Pole Duke of Suffolk had been impeached and murdered whilst on his way into exile. Adam Moleyns, bishop and administrator, had been murdered at Porstmouth by a disgruntled mob. The complaints were varied but centred around disillusionment with governance, economic woes, and failings of the English forces in France.
Political differences
The Duke of York’s political views in the late 1440’s and 1450 in some ways mirrored the complaints of those involved in causing unrest. He had been critical of the advice being given to, and accepted by, King Henry VI. He felt isolated politically and was angered by failures at home and in France: where he had held a variety of senior roles.
The Dukes of Somerset and York’s differences
The disillusionment of the Duke of York brought him into conflict, politically, with Edmund Beaufort Duke of Somerset. His political opponent had effectively replaced the Duke of Suffolk as de facto leader of the King’s Government. Queen Margaret had allied herself closely to the Duke of Somerset, making him a favourite at Court and the ‘go to’ man for political decision making. This led to disagreements. The Duke of Somerset was associated with the failure to maintain English control of Normandy, he was seen as a continuation of the failed clique based Government that had led to the downfall of William de la Pole. And, as well as being seen as being responsible for failures of governance, he was in conflict with some of the Duke of York’s supporters, such as Thomas Courtenay Earl of Devon.
Aftermath of 1450: had governance improved or changed?
The issues that had led to 1450 being a year of revolts, along with high profile exiles, and murders did not simply end following the ‘Harvest of Heads‘ in Kent, or with the murders of men such as the Duke of Suffolk and Bishop Moleyns. Others who had been accused of maladministration, corruption, or treasonable acts continued to hold positions of power. Chief amongst these men was the Duke of Somerset. As Edmund Beaufort replaced the Duke of Suffolk at the heart of government, actions that were seen as cronyism or partisan biased continued. R. L. Storey notes that after the turmoil of 1450 and the large scale acts of bringing about peace in the south east, the Duke of Somerset backed men whose actions were as disliked as those which had contribute to the unrest of 1450. In East Anglia, notes Storey, ‘with Somerset’s backing, Tuddenham, Hayden and Daniel again became men to be feared‘. Furthermore, the Duke used his position to influence the legal process by ‘ordering [the Sheriff] to select a jury that would acquit [Lord] Moleyns‘ [Storey, p93].
1450 for all of it’s turmoil had not changed the way in which government was administered. Nor had it enabled the duke of York and his political allies any new leverage through legal modes of applying pressure. Instead, it seemed that the clique around the King had become more firm in it’s desire to exclude the Duke of York from the workings of government. With that came a fear, for the Duke of York, of a repeat of what had happened to the last royal Prince who had disagreements with the King’s favourites: Humphrey Duke of Gloucester having been arrested in 1447, then dying in custody just days later.
Richard Duke of York plans for a confrontation
Consequently, Richard 3rd Duke of York began planning. It had been made clear in 1450 that there was support amongst the commons for reform. So too did the Duke retain some support from peers of the realm: most notably Thomas Courtenay Earl of Devon, though there was perhaps still hope of aid from the Duke of Norfolk.
The planning took the form of illiciting support for his causes from the commons. Storey notes the Duke dispatching letters to towns and men of note in Norfolk, Lincolnshire, Hertfordshire, Cambridgeshire and Northamptonshire [Storey, p94-95]. At this time he was based in Ludlow where he could ready men under his overlordship in the Welsh Marches. His political activities did not go unnoticed. The Duke’s chamberlain, Sir William Oldhall, entered sanctuary at St. Martin’s-le-Grand on 23 November 1451 as accusations were made against himself and others in the Duke of York’s household. The accusations were not without basis, Oldhall had been plotting popular uprisings similar to those of 1450.
Before Dartford: A Statement of Loyalty to the King
In early January 1452 the Duke of York, responding to accusations against his household, wrote to King Henry VI. He reiterated his loyalty to the King, and offered to make a solemn oath of loyalty to King Henry VI, at Ludlow, in the presence of two Peers whom he invited the King to dispatch for the purpose from the royal court, which at this time was based in the midlands of England, mainly at Kenilworth, or Coventry. The letter did not bear fruit, if an embassy to the Duke was the intended outcome. If the intention had been to restate that his complaint was with the governance as directed by the Duke of Somerset, it had some impact: in as much as reinforced the divisions between the parties. If nothing else, it provided the Duke with an opportunity to reassert his claim that he was doing all that he could to reform England’s system of Governance for the good of King Henry. This point was soon made clearly, in a letter from the Duke of York to the officials and people of Shrewsbury.
Richard 3rd Duke of York’s letter to the Citizens of Shrewsbury. 3 February 1452
Richard Duke of York to the Citizens of’ Shrewsbury, A. D. 1452; upon his march toward London to overthrow the Duke of Somerset.
RIGHT worshipful friends, I recommend me unto you, and I suppose it is well known unto you, as well by experience as by common language said and reported throughout all Christendom, what laud, what worship, honour, and manhood was ascribed of all Nations unto the people of this Realm, whilst the Kingdom’s Sovereign Lord stood possessed of his Lordship in the realm of France, and Dutchy of Normandy; and what derogation, loss of merchandize, lesion of honour, and villany, is said and reported genrally unto the English nation, for loss of the same; namely unto the Duke of Somerset, when he had the commandance and charge thereof: the which loss hath caused and encouraged the King’s enemies for to conquer and get Gascony and Gyanne, and now daily they make their advance for to lay siege unto Calais, and to other places in the Marches there, for to apply them to their obeisance, and so for to come into the land with great puissance; to the final destruction thereof, if they might prevail, and to put the land in their subjection, which God defend. And on the other part it is to be supposed it is not unknown to you, how that, after my coming out of Ireland, I, as the King’s true liege man, and servant, and ever shall be to my life’s end, and for my true acquital, perceiving the inconvenience before rehearsed, advised his Royal Majesty of certain Articles concerning the weal and safeguard, as well of his most royal person, as the tranquillity and conservation of all this his realm: the which Advertisements, how be it that it was thought that they were full necessary, were laid apart, and to be of none effect, through the envy, malice, and untruth of the said Duke of Somerset; which for my truth, faith, and allegiance that I owe unto the King, and the good will and favour that I have to all the Realm, laboureth continually about the Kings Highness for my undoing, and to corrupt my blood, and to disherit me and my heirs, and such persons as be about me, without any desert or cause done or at-
tempted on my part or theirs, I make our Lord Judge. Wherefore, worshipful Friends, to the intent that every man shall know my purpose, and desire for to declare me such as I am, I signify unto you that with the help and supportation of Almighty God, and of our Lady, and of all the Company of Heaven, I, after long sufferance and delays, not my will or intent to displease my sovereign Lord, seeing that the said Duke ever prevaileth and nileth about the King’s person, that by this means the land is likely to be destroyed, am fully concluded to proceed in all haste against him, with the help of my kinsmen and friends ; in suchwise, that it shall prove to promote ease, peace, tranquillity, and safeguard of all this land: and more, keeping me within the bounds of my liegeance as it pertaineth to my duty, praying and exhorting you, to fortify, enforce, and assist me, and to come to me with all diligence, wheresoever I shall be, or draw, with as many goodly and likely men as ye may make to execute the intent abovesaid. Written under my signet at my Castle of Ludlow, the 3rd day of February.Furthermore I pray you, that such strait appointment and ordinance be made, that the people which shall come in your fellowship, or be sent unto me by your agreement, be demeaned in such wise, by the way, that they do no offence, nor robbery, nor oppression
upon the people, in lesion of justice. Written as above, &c.Youre good Frend
R. YORK.
To my right worshipful Friends, the Bailiffs, Burgesses, and Commons of the good Town of Shrewsbury.
Ellis, Henry Sir. Original letters, illustrative of English history: Volume One, Second Edition. London 1825. Via Archive.org
The Duke of York’s letter to Shrewsbury
In simple terms, the Duke of York states that as a true liegeman of the King, he is setting out to rid him of the Duke of Somerset, whose actions have caused great losses and which, if unchecked, would destroy the King’s realm of England. Richard’s loyalty to King Henry is clearly stated. He aims to bring about peace and prosperity through action against Edmund Beaufort. And asks for the support of the citizens of Shrewsbury in this undertaking.
Uprisings of early 1452
As Richard 3rd Duke of York wrote to the people of Shrewsbury, and other towns in which he had influence, he was already in the process of preparing an armed force. He received a summons to attend the King’s Court at Coventry, the messenger returning to the King on 12 February and noting the Duke’s military preparations. The Crown may have been distracted as Richard distributed his letters and readied his retainers. The South-West was already in a state of uprising, with orders given to the Duke of Buckingham and Lord Bonville on 14 February 1452 to raise a force on behalf of the Crown to tackle the revolt in the region.
Earls of Devon and Lord Cobham instigate unrest
The uprisings in the South-West were coordinated. Thomas Courtenay Earl of Devon and Lord Cobham, both supporters of the Duke of York, had instigated the troubles. On 17 February the King’s advisors sent word to Lord Cobham that he was to attend to the King. Messengers arrived at Coventry on the same day with news from various towns across the South of England that showed that they too had received requests of support from the Duke of York: these towns included Canterbury, Oxford, Colchester, Sandwich and Winchelsea and were therefore notable locations in that they had been involved in 1450’s revolts, or were strategically significant.
Richard’s embarkation from Ludlow for London
The arrival of news of the Duke asking for support coincided with Richard embarking on a march from his base in the Welsh Marches. Therefore the advisors of King Henry VI had to act. They were faced with a disgruntled Duke at the head of an armed force. By this time they knew of his letters and of the intention set out within them. Richard Duke of York was marching to take action against the Duke of Somerset, who was effectively the leading Peer within the Lancastrian government at this time. To address this, the peers in attendance to the King departed from Coventry with their retinues for London.
Two armed bands were on the move. The Duke of York was marching towards London via areas in which he expected to receive a sympathetic welcome: and additional forces for his army. Peers heading to London from Coventry also sought to bring their retainers and associated forces to bear, amassing their own force at London.
Causing Alarm
The March to London by the Duke of York took place as a series of regional disturbances took place. These took place largely in Somerset and Derbyshire and caused alarm for the authorities. Elsewhere, several towns declared support for the Duke of York: Cambridge, Chelmsford, Hitchen, Grantham, Fotheringay and Stamford all siding with the Duke [Storey, p98-99].
Known Uprisings or Assemblies of Men in support of the Duke of York:
20 February
Moulton, Hitchen, Ottery and Cullompton
21 February
Camber
22 February
Fotheringay, Rowell, and Nassington.
23 February
Huntingdon, Grantham, Thaxted and Camerside.
24 February
Stamford
Known uprisings and assemblies is based on P. A. Johnson p109-110.
City of London
If entering London was the aim of the Duke of York, he was to be disappointed. On 27 February Peers loyal to the Court had returned to London. The City of London already been ordered to refuse the Duke of York entry: via a letter from King Henry VI upon the return of diplomats who had been dispatched on 22 February. The barring entry to the Duke of York, forced him to divert his march. He moved on 26 February to Kingston. Richard’s force, by now including men under the Earl of Devon and Lord Cobham, then moved onwards to Blackheath on 29 February.
Negotiations
As both parties marched, encamped, and moved on, there were attempts to negotiate between the two sides. King Henry VI dispatched the bishop of Winchester, Viscount Bourchier and Lord Stourton to the Duke of York on 22 February. It was their failure to gain a satisfactory response which led to the command to bar the gates of London to the Duke being written. The bishops of Winchester and Ely were sent to the Duke of York whilst he was encamped at Kingston.
Encampments at Dartford and Blackheath
By 1 March both parties were encamped. The Royal party with numerous peers in attendance encamped at Blackheath. The Duke of York’s force encamped in Crayford, near the River Darent. The initiative by now had been lost by the Duke of York. His march into Kent had failed to attract the large popular support that perhaps had been anticipated. Furthermore, having travelled beyond the east of London he was now effectively blocked from being able to access London without a fight. And any option to retreat to his lands was also blocked, as those lay to the west, or north, of his position behind the Royal force that he faced.
Negotiations and Standoff at Dartford
1 March saw the beginning of negotiations between the two parties. Queen Margaret directed four members of the Court to treat with the Duke of York: the Bishops of Ely and Westminster, and the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick fulfilled this role.
Conflicting evidence as to what happened at Dartford / Blackheath in March 1452
Contemporary accounts of the events at Dartford in early March 1452 do not agree on the timings and outcomes of negotiations. There is a general consensus that there were diplomatic meetings on 1 or 2 March. The order of events, and the dates surrounding 1/2 March are less than clear.
Dartford 1452: Version One
Broadly speaking there are four accounts which are in agreement over one narrative. Benet’s Chronicle, Six Town Chronicles, An English Chronicle and Chronica Angliae all note negotiations taking place. The representatives sent from the Court were the bishops of Winchester and Ely, along with the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick. Viscoust Bourchier and Lord Sudeley are also noted as having a role. These sources suggest that the Duke of York obtained the right to petition the King in person. And that he attended to Henry VI and knelt before him to present a list of grievances about the conduct of the Duke of Somerset. Alongside the Duke, were the Earl of Devon and Lord Cobham. Richard Duke of York is said to have also asked for the King’s mercy at this meeting. After this meeting the King and all of the Peers returned, together, to London. In this version of events the Duke of York has presented his concerns about the Duke of Somerset, stated his loyalty and joined the King and his party in the return to the capital.
Dartford 1452: Version Two
This version is the account most frequently retold in overviews of the events. It is based upon five contemporary sources: The Great Chronicle, Chronicles of London [MS Vitellius A XVI], Short English Chronicle, Chronicle of London [Nicholas] and Fabyan’s Chronicle. These accounts broadly speaking agree that:
there was agreid that the duke of Somerset shuld be hadde unto warde to answere suche articlys as the duke of Yorke shuld lay upon his charge, upon which promyse made the duke of Yorke brekk up his ffeelde
Great Chronicle, p 186
This version suggests that the lords agreed that the Duke of York had a case against the Duke of Somerset. And that upon this agreement, the Duke of York agreed to disband his army.
Following this, these sources agree that the Duke of York attended the King on the understanding that his foe, the Duke of Somerset, had been arrested and would face charges as set out by himself. However, upon arriving for his audience with the King, he was met only by Henry VI but also by Queen Margaret, and the Duke of Somerset. Thereafter, Richard Duke of York was able to make his protestations but in the face of a determined defence by the Duke of Somerset and Queen Margaret. As a result, the Duke of York was unable to attain what he believed to have been agreed. The Duke of Somerset was free and continued to hold authority and the King’s confidence. Furthermore, the Duke of York was unable to press home his complaints and, having set about disbanding his forces, was effectively a prisoner himself.
Duke of Somerset retains the Ascendancy as Richard of York is humiliated
Whichever of the above versions is most accurate, it is clear that the outcome was ultimately in favour of the Duke of Somerset rather than the Duke of York. King Henry VI had agreed to ensure the Duke of Somerset’s freedom. Instead of Richard 3rd Duke of York‘s plan to see Somerset removed from the heart of Government, he was made to accompany the Royal party and his foe to London. There he was made to publically swear his allegiance to King Henry VI in a ceremony at St. Paul’s Cathedral. Rather than Edmund Beaufort being isolated and humiliated, it was Richard Duke of York who was belittled, isolated, and shortly thereafter sent back to his home at Ludlow, politically isolated.
PostScript: After Dartford
The Duke of York swore his allegiance to King Henry VI in public, at St. Paul’s in London. He then retired to his estates in the Welsh Marches. It would be easy to consider this a humiliating end to the events. That, however, is not the case. The standoff at Dartford and the Duke’s apparent humiliation was not the end of the matter.
Soon it was claimed that on 6 March 1452, at Barnard’s Castle in London [chief London residence of the House of York] a plot was hatched by principal officers of the Duke of York’s household. The plot was for an uprising to take place in Kent and the Welsh Marches in favour of Richard Duke of York. Furthermore, these men met at Westminster on 12 April and plotted the death of King Henry VI. Lastly, it was claimed that these men were responsible for the murder of Richard Fazakerley, a valet within the KIng’s Household, on 22 April. These claims were backed with charges being made against William Oldhall, Robert Ardern and John Maltman, all members of the Duke of York’s household. [See Johnson page 115].
On 6 May 1452 a revolt broke out in Kent. Though short, lasting just 3 days, its leaders referenced Edward Earl of March and Lord Cobham as being on their way to assist. Additionally they claimed Lord Cobham’s brother would be their Captain.
Much of the accusing and criminal charges noted here can be put down to political points scoring. William Oldhall for one could not have been involved in plotting at this time. He was in sanctuary at St. Martin’s-le-Grand with Crown appointed guards paid to monitor him.
Size of Duke Richard’s Support at Darford 1452
P. A. Johnson notes that there were 396 pardons issued for supporters of Richard Duke of York for this period. This is for areas under the direct influence of the Duke and therefore may not be the whole number of pardons granted. Storey notes 2430 pardons being bought from the Crown in the twelve months following the standoff. He notes prominent individuals from the Yorkist affinity amongst them, including the Duke and William Oldhall but not the Earl of Devon or Lord Cobham. The pardons noted by Storey are the total for the country in the 12 month period and may therefore include pardons purchased for unrelated matters: such as uprisings in Kent [May], plots in Cromer [November].
Source Material on the Standoff at Dartford
This yere Richard Duke of Yorke came oute of Walys by Kyngeston brygge unto the Blacke Hethe with a grete power to clere him selfe a gaynes Kynge Henrey of all maner poyntes that the kynge was his hevy lorde fore. And the kynge came ridinge thorowe London with a riall power agayn the sayde duke. And ther the lordis bothe spirituall and temporall toke the mater in honde and entretid hem of rest and pees; the whiche the seid duke at the last agred to on this condission, that his peticiouns for the wele of the kynge and the realme myght be hadde and his enemyes to the Toure to a bide the lawe; and so were the lordis a greed and sworne euche to other. A none the duke sent home his men ayen, and him selfe mekely obeyed the kynge at the Black Hethe, and his adversaryes stode present contrary the poyntment and othis. And so they brought him thorowe London ungirde by twene two bysshopis to his owne place, and after that made him sworne on the sacrement at Powles after ther entente, and putte him from his gode peticiouns.
“A Short English Chronicle: London under Henry VI (1422-71)”. Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles with Historical Memoranda by John Stowe. Ed. James Gairdner (London, 1880), British History Online.
Appendix V to the Paston Letters (Volume One)
The most minute account of the encampment of the Duke of York at Dartford is contained in the following extract from the Cottonian Roll, ii. 23.
Primo die mensis Marcii anno regni Regis Henrici Sexti xxxo ther was my Lord of Yorkes ordynaunce iijmill. gownner, and hym selff in the middell ward with viijmil., my Lord of Devynsher by the southe side with vjmill., and my Lord Cobham with vjmil. at the water side, and vij. shippus with ther stuff. And sith that tyme, and sith was poyntment made and taken at Dertfford by embassetours, my Lord the B. of Winchester, my Lord B. of Ely, my Lord the Erle of Salusbury, my Lorde of Warrewik, my Lord Bewcham, and my Lord of Sydeley, &c., whiche poyntment was, &c. And soon after was Chatterley, yeman of the Crown, maymed, notwithstondyng he was takyn at Derby with money making and ladde to London. Then after the Kynges yeman of his chambur, namyd Fazakerley, with letteris was sent to Luddelowe to my Lord of Yorke chargyng to do forth a certeyn of his mayny, Arthern, squier, Sharpe, sqier, &c.; the whiche Fazakerley hyld in avowtry Sharpes wiff, the which Sharpe slewe Fitzacurley, and a baker of Ludlow roos and the Commyns, &c., the whych baker is at Kyllyngworth Castell, &c. After this my Lord of Shrousbury, &c., rode in to Kent, and set up v. peyre of galowes and dede execucion upon John Wylkyns, taken and brought to the towne as for capteyn, and with other mony mo, of the whiche xxviij. were honged and be heded, the whiche hedes were sent to London; and London said ther shuld no mo hedes be set upon there; and that tyme Eton was robbyd, and the Kyng beyng at Wynsor on Lowe Sonday, &c.
Links
Davies, John Sylvester.An English Chronicle of the Reigns of Richard II., Henry IV., Henry V., and Henry VI. Via Archive.org
Flenley, Ralph, 1886- ed. Six Town Chronicles. Via Archive.org
Giles, John Allen. Chronicon Angliae. Via Archive.org
Johnson, P. A.Duke Richard of York, 1411-1460. Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1988. Via Archive.org
Storey, R. L. The end of the House of Lancaster. New York, Stein and Day. 1967. Via Archive.org