This letter dated 18 April 1461 illustrates the events at Ferrybridge and Towton as they were understood by the Milanese Ambassador to the French Court. In the weeks since the battle of Towton a series of reports had reached the continent. These vary in terms of their reliability and objectivity. Prospero di Camulio combines these sources to report events, as he understood them, to his master, the Duke of Milan.
Course of the battle
This letter is relatively detailed when compared to others penned in the weeks after the battle. The Yorkist success is summarised with a brief account of the way in which the fortunes of the two sides changed over the course of the fighting. It suggests the Lancastrians held the upper hand until the wind changed, after which the army of Edward IV and the Earl of Warwick was victorious.
The dead
On the numbers who fell, di Camulio cites the figure of 28000 as counted by the heralds, and states that of these 8000 were Yorkist fatalities and 20000 Lancastrian. He notes some of the Yorkist dead but not the names of Lancastrian peers who fell in battle. Of the Lancastrians, he notes only those who had taken flight with King Henry and Queen Margaret to the north. He adds that the Lancastrians had been pursued by a force of 20000 and were being besieged. Of word that the Yorkists had already taken King Henry and Queen Margaret, he notes that, ‘I do not believe that, since vain flowers always grow in good news‘.
The future
The letter goes on to ponder the future. In particular, the fate of the Lancastrian royal family is seen as key: ‘if the King and Queen of England with the other fugitives mentioned above are not taken, it seems certain that in time fresh disturbances will arise‘. Peace, in his view, is most probable in the event of their capture: ‘If, however, they are taken, then that kingdom may be considered settled and quiet under King Edward and the Earl of Warwick‘.
Foreign intervention
The prospect of foreign intervention in the conflict is raised. With the Milanese reporting that they had word of, ‘preparations to succour Castelletto and the King of Sicily is to send him a force any nine galleys‘.
‘The combat was great and cruel’
91. Prospero di Camulio, Milanese Ambassador to the Court of France, to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.
On the 12th inst., by a messenger sent to these parts by Mons. de Aras, I wrote at a venture what we heard here about the affairs of England, and in this I repeat the same things. These are, that on the 29th of March the forces of King Edward and Warwick fought with the forces of King Henry, the queen, and that side, near York, 160 miles from London. The combat was great and cruel, as happens when men fight for kingdom and life. At the beginning Fortune seemed to be on the side of King Henry and those banners of the queen which are inscribed: Judica me deus discerne causam meam de gente non sancta, etc. They looked like conquering, and over 8,000 of the troops of King Edward and Warwick were slain, including Lord Scrope and Lord Fitzwalter (Finauter) among the nobles. Subsequently the wind changed, and Edward and Warwick came off victorious. On the side of Henry and the queen over 20,000 men were slain and the nobles mentioned below. In short, thirteen nobles perished and over 28,000 men, all counted by heralds after the battle, including many knights and gentlemen. King Henry, the queen and the prince retreated to a castle called Neumburg, which is a new castle on the sea, near Scotland. With them were the Duke of Somerset (Sambresetch), the Duke of Exeter, (Cetrh), Lord Ros and Lord Rivers. It is said that the conquerors have sent 20,000 men to besiege that castle, and they even had news at London that all were taken, though I do not believe that, since vain flowers always grow in good news.
The reputation of Edward and Warwick is great owing to their good conduct, and their popularity from having conquered is enormous (la reputacion de Edoardo e Varruich per loro ben vivere he grande et la gratia per haver venciuto he grandissima). To-morrow they say two younger brothers of March, son of the Duke of York, are coming here, and the Duke of Burgundy has given notice for great honours to be shown to them. In that same letter of the 12th I wrote to your lordship my opinions upon these affairs, and I am doing the same here, not so much to unburden myself as in fulfilment of my instructions, namely to give the reasons for my opinions, in which I shall always bow to your lordship. I think it my duty to make the following remarks:—
Firstly, if the King and Queen of England with the other fugitives mentioned above are not taken, it seems certain that in time fresh disturbances will arise, nor are the people disinclined to these, since the storm falls equally on the heads of the princes as on their own, and the less nobles there are the better they are pleased, and think that they are nearer a chance for liberty; and from what I have been told the people of London have great aspirations (primum se la Regina de Anglia et el Re de Anglia con li altri sopradicti fugiti non sonno presi, ce pare cosa certa che a tempo debbeno resusatare rumore et nove, nixe ale quale li populi non sonno disformi, dappoi che la tempesta cade cossi ben sul tecto de li principi como sul loro et quando manco Signori gli sara, piu stianno contenti et gli parera d’essere piu vicini all’ occasione de la liberta; ma per quanto me e dicto, aspirano molto quelli de Londres).
If, however, they are taken, then that kingdom may be considered settled and quiet under King Edward and the Earl of Warwick; and then, as they are well affected to the Dauphin and the Duke of Burgundy, it seems likely, both from the unexpected things that the King of France has done to the Duke of Burgundy, as well as out of respect for the Dauphin, who considers that things cannot continue thus, that they will pursue the plan to pass to France, especially if the Dauphin did not happen to be in accord with the King of France. Upon that point I have nothing more for certain, and I am of the opinion that I wrote in a schedule with the letters given to Angelo.
I have observed the great importance that the Duke of Burgundy attaches to England. Thus he has kept in with the Earl of Warwick, and his son with the Queen of England, so that whatever happens England will have friendship in the house of the Duke of Burgundy (ho notato lo grande fundamento che se fa el duca de Borgogna de Anglia, che luy ha tenuto con el conte de Varruich et lo figliolo con la regina de Anglia, acio che cadesse la cosa come se volesse Anglia avesse amicicia in casa del duca de Borgogna).
But if it happens that the state of England remains quiet under March, son of the Duke of York, and the Earl of Warwick, and the house of Burgundy is considered to enjoy great fortune, since by the disturbances of Genoa, Duke John is enfeebled and King Ferrando strengthened, while the affairs of the King of France do not look too prosperous, as he is not in agreement with the Dauphin, and wishes to do justice to the companion, I am inclined to believe that the King of France, who is a man of great intelligence, will incline more to an understanding with the Dauphin, if he has not done so already; and since in the household of the King of France some charge has been given to your lordship with respect to the King of Sicily and Duke John, that being the party which governs the King of France at the present time, and for which the Dauphin bears an especial hatred, your Excellency should therefore look to the state of your affairs here, and in my opinion, it will be advantageous to fasten yourself (conglutinarsi) to the Duke of Burgundy and his son, seeing that they are the counterpoise to France, and if the order of the Golden Fleece did not stand in the way, which requires that the one shall be favourable to the other, and among them there is the Duke of Orleans, I am persuaded that the Duke of Burgundy would gladly do everything required for a close union with your lordship. He has often spoken most kindly of your lordship, and I also hear on good authority that the son has a high opinion of you and speaks most kindly of Count Galeazo. I am told that he thinks of despatching a messenger to the pope and writing to your lordship, sending a present to Count Galeazo. It has occurred to me that if it could be arranged at any time that he should give the Golden Fleece to you it would be a great honour and favour to the affairs of your lordship and a great advantage for an alliance with the lords. I hear that Monsignor de Tharles has sometimes spoken about it with a person of his intimacy. So if your Excellency thinks fit that Count Galeazo should begin relations with him by writing suitable letters and sending presents such as war-horses and others (I do not say armour, because he has not too much), you should send here, and your Excellency should write him some letter of credence, so that I could visit his lordship, which I have not done hitherto, when I could adroitly see how the land lies. Your lordship need have no fear because of the troubles and differences here which I have reported; I have taken measures adroitly to find out what is required here, and as Mons. de Tamps, the nephew, and Mons., the bastard, the son of the present Duke of Burgundy are attached to Charolais as I have written to your lordship before, and because they are of the same order, I gladly remind your Excellency of this, advising you that from what I hear the Dauphin has an understanding with him, and is with the said Charles, who has a reputation for prudence and courage. I have called this to mind in case your lordship means to interest yourself in affairs here, but I submit myself in everything to your Excellency.
With respect to the affairs of Genoa, I hear that one Grillo, a leading man of Genoa, who is in the confidence of the King of France, though he is somewhat hot-headed and light, has written here that the King of France blames himself for the imprudence he has shown about Genoa, and does not blame any of the nobles. Also he is making preparations to succour Castelletto and the King of Sicily is to send him a force any nine galleys, and that the nobles give hope that it will be recovered, and they all, with one accord, incline to the King of France and Duke John. But I learn also that Hyeronimo Spinula has always understood in secret that they are not well agreed. For the rest, the ambassador of the Dauphin has returned from the King of France, and men talk futilely about what he has done, as happens in high affairs, so everyone jests about his opinion or prejudice. This morning I visited Mons. de Croui, who told me that his ambassador to the Duke of Burgundy had done nothing, and he did not expect him to do anything, chiefly for the reasons which I have previously reported to your Excellency, to wit, the differences and the suspicions that the King of France has of the Duke of Burgundy. I reaffirm this and repeat that every day the wind increases, chiefly owing to the fleet and army of the King of France, which is great and newly increased, and the Duke of Burgundy seems to suspect that under the pretence of Calais, something may break out in his country, and Mons. de Croui told me so much.
I shall be glad to stay here to see the ceremony of the Golden Fleece and to hear what decision these lords come to, and I know not what more is to be said; and also to await the answer of your Excellency in the matter broached by the Dauphin. However, if I hear anything further from his ambassador, who has returned, I may possibly go to the Dauphin in a day or two. I am also advised from many quarters that I must be cautious in my return. I do not know if I should return through Germany, the route I have frequented, I speak chiefly on account of the papers, and I know no safer way than that of Bavaria, though we do not know the language.
We have news of English affairs hour by hour. Two days ago letters arrived here from English merchants of repute, and we have also heard by way of Calais, that it is true that King Henry, the queen, the Prince of Wales, their son, the Duke of Somerset, Lord Ros, his brother, the Duke of Exeter (Setrh) were taken, and of these the Duke of Somerset and his brother were immediately beheaded. When the same fate was about to befall the Duke of Exeter, there came a message to let him off, and they say he escaped because he is related to King Edward, whose sister he married. However as he is fierce and cruel, it is thought that they will put him to a more honourable death. I postponed writing about this to see if it would be confirmed; if it is, then before long grievances and recrimination will break out between King Edward and Warwick, King Henry and the queen will be victorious, and he who seemed to have the world at his feet will provide a remarkable example of what prudent men, in excuse for human errors, have called Fortune (se cossi e per certo tra Re Edoardo e Varruich puoco avanti rupti afflicti et exprisi; el Re Henrico et la Regina vencitori et chi gli pareva haver spianato el mondo sera uno singular exemplo de quella che li prudenti homini in excusa de li errori humani han nominato fortuna).
Any one who reflects at all upon the wretchedness of that queen and the ruins of those killed and considers the ferocity of the country, and the state of mind of the victors, should indeed, it seems to me, pray to God for the dead, and not less for the living.
With respect to what will follow, there are many considerations for those who have studied that kingdom, deprived of so many of its natural princes, and left with only two who have name and reputation as princes, both by their prudence and good behaviour and by the courage with which they have recovered from such great persecution and have overcome everything. However as it does not become my feebleness to square the circle of such great matters, I shall wait to hear what happens, and shall keep your Excellency advised of all that occurs.
Postscript.—At this moment letters and Genoese merchants have arrived here from London, among them a Genoese esquire of Warwick, who do not confirm the capture of King Henry, the queen and those with them. They say, indeed, that when they were at Calais bonfires and festivities were being made corresponding to those made at Sandwich and Dover in England. From this they conclude and believe that it has taken place since, especially as everyone confirms the news about the siege. On this subject I refer myself to the truth.
Bruges, the 18th April, 1461.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]92. Note of the lords slain in England on the Queen’s side in the battle which took place on the 29th of March.
The Earl of Northumberland.
The Earl of Westmoreland.
The Earl of Devonshire.
Lord Clifford.
Lord Nevill.
Lord Bramont.
Lord Duelles.
Lord Vuelby, the son.
Lord Henry of Buckingham.
Anthony de Rivers, Lord Scales.
Lord Dacies.
Andrew Trolop, knight.
And many knights and gentlemen, 20,000 persons.
They say there were taken:
King Henry, the Queen, the Prince, the Duke of Somerset, the Duke of Exeter, Lord Ros and Lord Rivers.
On the side of King Edward:
Lord Scrope,
Lord Finalter,
and more than 8,000 persons, slain.
[Italian.]‘Milan: 1461’, in Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts in the Archives and Collections of Milan 1385-1618, ed. Allen B Hinds (London, 1912), British History Online
Related Content
This letter is part of our series on the Road to Towton as told by the Milan State Papers. These letters cover the period from the Battle of Wakefield to the reporting of the Battle of Towton. They include references to the Second Battle of St. Albans and the proclamation of Edward as being King of England.
Image Credit
Apocalypse Picture Book; Apocalypse (Revelation) with a preface by St Jerome and commentary. British Library. Add MS 19896